Archive for the ‘Endorsements’ Category

J4JA! Gets Times Coverage

Monday, December 19th, 2011

Season’s Greetings!

Jimmy Owens. Photo: Enid Farber


For any and all of you that are interested in the issue of fairness, and would like to see a more level playing field in the NYC jazz club scene, the following article in last week’s NY Times may be of interest to you.  

The leafleting phase of our long term campaign has begun.  The goals of this campaign are far reaching: we seek a national network of clubs where musicians can expect fair wages, a regular pension contribution (and this is for AFM members and non members alike) and some ability to negotiate their working conditions—not to mention more ownership of their own music as recorded in the club, especially in regard to new and future use. 

For those of you who see the actions of J4JA! or the goals of this campaign as too little too late, you have a right to be skeptical; the union has been grappling with the pension issue for years.  But the musicians’ union, and a small group of determined jazz artists from within its ranks, have not given up. 

For those of you who support what we are trying to do with J4JA!, we encourage you to spread the word, sign the petition (currently at 3,000 + signatures), and get involved. 

At most of NYC’s major jazz venues, a pension contribution for one musician is equivalent to the price of two drinks (about $25.00).  At a club like the Blue Note, the cost for pension contributions for a trio for one night can be covered, in many cases, by the price of one individual audience member’s cover charge. 

J4JA! supporters will continue their informational leafleting in front of the  Blue Note this week, Wednesday and Thursday, December 21st and 22nd from aprox. 7-10PM.

If you would like to volunteer, send an email to [email hidden; JavaScript is required]

Finally: take a look at the article below and if you agree with what’s happening, pass it on to your friends and colleagues. And if you have yet to do so, please take a moment to sign our petition. 

All the Best, 

Todd Weeks 

Justice for Jazz Artists! 

J4JA!

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Jazz Musicians Start a Pension Push

By JAMES C. McKINLEY Jr.

Published: December 12, 2011

The campaign began quietly last Thursday night, when four members of Local 802 of the American Federation of Musicians stood in the cold outside the Blue Note in Greenwich Village and handed out leaflets with the headline “Justice for Jazz Artists!” Musicians continued passing out information outside the Blue Note over the weekend and said they would do so again starting on Thursday.

“It’s just a sin that we have no pension,” said Keisha St. Joan, 72, a jazz vocalist who was distributing leaflets. “I will not have a pension before I die.”

For five years club owners have resisted the union’s efforts and remain divided about the idea. Some accuse the 8,000-member union of trolling for new revenue to prop up the pension fund, whose main beneficiaries are mostly retired Broadway musicians, studio session players and classical musicians who are covered by union contracts. Though some jazz artists belong to the union, they generally work in nonunion clubs. Consequently they have for decades received less pay and fewer benefits than union musicians.

Some club owners also contend that most of the top-tier jazz players they book would rather receive extra pay than union benefits. Others, among them Ron Sturm at the Iridium, say that they favor the idea in principle, but that it might be difficult to implement. Mr. Sturm, who has met three times with union leaders to talk over the proposal, said he thought the union should try to reach similar agreements with all music clubs, regardless of genre.

“I think it’s a great idea philosophically, but the devil’s in the details,” he said. “How do you do it?”

The owners of the Blue Note, Steve and Danny Bensusan, did not respond to several messages seeking comment.

The disagreement between the union and club owners dates back to 2005, when union leaders joined the night clubs to lobby the State Legislature for a reduction in the sales tax on tickets because the extra revenue would be used to pay for pension and health benefits. In letters supporting the legislation, union officials maintained they had an informal agreement with several club owners to that effect. (A similar trade-off had been made in the 1960s to get pension benefits for Broadway musicians.)

The tax break was passed in 2006, but the union never hammered out a formal pact with the club owners. Five years later none of the clubs have entered negotiations with the union to sign collective bargaining agreements. Those agreements are legally required before the clubs can begin paying into Local 802’s pension system. Two years ago, the union elected new leaders who have made pensions for jazz artists a priority.

When the legislation was passed, the union estimated the major jazz clubs  each stood to gain about $67,000 a year from lifting the tax. In 2008 the state estimated it amounted to a tax loss of about $2.2 million a year.

Some club managers say the plan was flawed from the start. Repealing the tax saved the customers money but never produced extra revenue for the clubs, they say. The owners have balked at raising ticket prices to pay for the pension contributions, though some have suggested collecting donations from patrons.

Lorraine Gordon, the owner of the Village Vanguard, said she supported the idea of pensions for jazz artists but added that profit margins are slim at clubs and that costs continue to rise.

“I pay all the traffic will bear in a little club,” she said. “My bottom line is what I have to look at, in order to keep the club functioning.”

Other club managers also argue that asking them to write a separate check to the pension fund for every musician who steps on their stages each year is impractical and costly. “It would be an accounting nightmare for us,” said the programming director for one of the city’s major jazz clubs, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he feared reprisals from the union.

He said the clubs generally hire bandleaders, who in turn employ side musicians. He said that the bandleaders are independent contractors, and that it makes more sense for them to pay into the pension fund on behalf of their employees rather than the clubs.

Union leaders say the goal of the campaign is to reach bare-bones labor agreements with five of the biggest jazz clubs in New York City — the Blue Note, the Village Vanguard, Birdland, the Jazz Standard and the Iridium — as well as with Dizzy’s Club Coca-Cola, which is run by the nonprofit Jazz at Lincoln Center.

John O’Connor, a vice president of the union, said those pacts, if signed, would only be the beginning. The union also intends to reach similar agreements with clubs in other major cities, creating a network of places that pay pension benefits. That way touring musicians could rack up credit in the pension system no matter where they played. But the key to the union’s long-term plans, he said, is persuading prominent clubs in New York to come aboard.

“What we are really trying to do is to expand our house,” Mr. O’Connor said. “We want 802 to become the champion of all musicians in New York City.”

Under the union’s proposal the owners of the clubs would make a contribution for every musician they hire — both bandleaders and sidemen — whether they are vested in the pension or not. The amount would be a percentage of a minimum wage scale established under the agreement.

Musicians do not have to be in the union to qualify for a pension, but they do have to earn a certain amount in clubs or other workplaces that have agreements with the union. Specifically, a musician must earn an average of $3,000 a year from covered employers for five years.

That threshold is hard for musicians who play most of their gigs in nonunion clubs. “It’s a real Catch-22,” said Wendy Oxenhorn, the executive director of the Jazz Foundation of America, which helps destitute musicians.

She said many jazz players, especially sidemen and second-tier performers, find themselves facing old age with no pension and little in the way of Social Security, since much of their pay was in cash and off the books.

In private some jazz musicians oppose the union’s efforts, arguing they would rather handle their own retirements. But others support the union and say the owners reneged on a promise they made in return for the tax repeal. They say they doubt the owners’ contention that it was the ticket buyers who benefited from removing the tax.

“They are collecting that money, and they are using it for whatever reason they feel like,” said Bernard Purdie, a jazz drummer and bandleader, just before going on at Carnegie Hall with Galt MacDermot and the New Pulse Jazz Band. “They have been getting away with it for the last four or five years.”

A version of this article appeared in print on December 13, 2011, on page C1 of the New York edition with the headline: Jazz Musicians Start a Pension Push.

 

 

 

Where Do We Begin?

Tuesday, December 13th, 2011

By Todd Bryant Weeks

Bassist Bob Cranshaw. Photo credit: Enid Farber.

 Ask any jazz musician, especially one of color, if there is paradox involved with their work. They might respond by asking, “Where do I begin?”

Take as a for instance, the following:

In 2007, the organization Justice for Jazz Artists!, which has been championed by preeminent musicians such as Ron Carter, Jimmy Owens, Reggie Workman, Bob Cranshaw and Randy Weston; respected writers Nat Hentoff, Gary Giddins, Dan Morgenstern and Amiri Baraka (and politicos NYC Councilmember Diana Reyna, NYC Mayor David N. Dinkins and NY State Ways and Means Chairman Herman “Denny” Farrell, to name a few) celebrated what for all intents and purposes appeared to be a clear victory in their fight to get retirement benefits for jazz artists: the NY State Legislature passed a law allowing for a tax break on admission to NYC jazz clubs, paving the way for the clubs to redirect that money into the musicians’ pension fund.  Sounds good, right?

The rub: The owners, who supported the bill up front, balked when they realized they might be deemed employers by the state, thus putting them on the hook for NYS statutory benefits like unemployment, social security, workers comp—none of which the musicians then enjoyed.

Four years later, most jazz artists still don’t have access to basic benefits like health insurance, social security, or unemployment. And for most people who work in this field, the notion of a pension is inconceivable.

Jazz musicians may appear to represent a small minority of people looking towards a career in the music industry today. However, the numbers tell a different story. In 2007, the group NYC Performance Arts Spaces, conducted a survey of area musicians to determine how when and where they made their living. According to the study, “Where Can We Work?” 31% of the NYC musicians polled worked in the jazz field. Many of these performers also worked in other genres, including the pop, Broadway and classical fields. The study quoted various experts, including the celebrated New Yorker writer Alex Ross, and the guitarist/activist Marc Ribot. It also looked at the availability of work: “Clubs that feature jazz in NYC are overwhelmed with musicians who want to play,” stated on respondent, “and they know they have a buyer’s market.” [1]

Ross commented on the flourishing experimental scene on NYC’s Lower East Side. “There’s more new music in the city than ever before,” wrote Ross in 2007, “and an exceptionally vital group of young composers is driving the proliferation of the new music.”[2]

The truth is that although there continue to be hundreds of young musicians graduating from jazz programs across the country every year—and that there is plenty of music to be heard—the majority of small club owners have opted to accept a structure which encourages younger players to assume the entire risk of putting on a performance by insisting that these musicians “pay to play;” that is, the performers are asked to guarantee that a certain number of audience members will cross the threshold of the club in order for the band to be eligible for their percentage of the door, which is often less than 50% of the total admission receipts. Further, musicians are asked to create their own promotional materials, and increasingly have been levied fees for sound checks and access to sound and light technicians. In one instance, during the summer of 2011, a musician was attacked by a club’s bouncer when he refused to compensate the club because he drew an insufficient number of paying customers to cover the bands’ expenses, a scenario which one musician called, “another example of rampant exploitation, now compounded with violence.”[3]

Most NYC jazz clubs are non union.

Despite an overabundance of players, and a deep reduction in the overall amount of money spent nationally and internationally on jazz, the music remains a healthy part of the NYC live music economy. While smaller club owners may have felt the recent economic crunch, tens of thousands of fans travel to New York every year just to hear live jazz in its home base.

Jazz has been recognized by the U.S. Congress as “America’s National Treasure,” and clubs like the Blue Note, Birdland, the Jazz Standard, Iridium and the Village Vanguard are still filling seats and charging healthy (some would say exorbitant) ticket prices for national and international acts. And although they don’t receive benefits, top tier band leaders and their side musicians often pull in decent money in these venues. Yet without the protection of union contracts that provide for scale wages that can’t be negotiated down (only up), and rules around the use of recordings, grievance and arbitration, and of course, benefits, these musicians are essentially on their own. When you factor in that they are generally paid as 1099 Independent Contractors, they are essentially being asked to carry the full burden of their Social Security benefit, rather than split the payments with the club owner. Not exactly an equitable arrangement.

In many instances, musicians are simply paid in cash, and remain open to audit by the state Department of Labor or the IRS.

Jazz performers are just one group among a larger body of musicians—made up of mainly African Americans—who have been exploited. From the days of traveling vaudeville and tent shows through to the Modern Civil Rights Era and beyond, black musicians have been subjected to second class lodgings and travel accommodations, and abject racism, particularly in the Deep South. Historically, jazz musicians are among the most abused of all professional performers in our history. Pit bands, especially ones made up of blacks, from whence many of the early jazz ensembles sprung, were often treated as a lower caste by more visible actors, singers and dancers.

There are myriad stories of jazz musicians being exposed to exploitation, harassment, racism and violence from the music’s beginnings. Some of the greatest figures of the last century were among the most exploited, or were effectively discarded when they grew old and could not earn a living. In 1938, an elderly Joe “King” Oliver, perhaps the most influential American jazz musician before Louis Armstrong, a renowned performer with an international reputation, was discovered in Atlanta, Georgia, destitute and working as a janitor.

With the advent of the recording industry in the 1910s, musicians were almost never fully informed of their rights regarding publishing and recording royalties. Managers, promoters, agents and producers regularly stole from artists by fraudulently adding their own names to recording contracts as composers, lyricists and arrangers. Artists’ royalties, when they were paid, were almost uniformly, grossly inaccurate.

During the 1930s and ‘40s, the deftly talented pianist-composer-arranger Mary Lou Williams, an African American, routinely fought for publishing royalties for her original compositions, but rarely won. Without expensive legal representation, jazz musicians were easy targets for unethical, predatory show business “gadflies” who well understood the business of defrauding the artists, whose main concern lay in creating and performing, and not in accounting.

Racism was endemic, and even the most successful musicians were victimized. Stories of abuse are a routine part of the culture. Even Miles Davis, an iconic figure if ever there was one, was once savagely beaten by an NYC policeman in front of a major NYC club where he was headlining, because he refused to “move on.”

Although the racial climate is very different today, jazz musicians of all stripes are still uninformed as to their rights in the workplace. And there are innumerable stories of well known artists who cannot afford to keep their homes or are devastated when they become ill with no safety net. The issues are as real today as ever before.

Today, musicians still are subject to shady deals where promoters book bands into clubs, only to make promises to owners that they have no intention of keeping. Headliners will be promised and not produced at show time and then the owner will refuse to pay the promoter the promised amount. Gigs are cancelled without notice and guarantees are ignored. The musicians are always the ones to suffer in these situations, as they are invariably underpaid.  Because band leaders are often the ones who negotiate the contract, it has become a standard industry practice for musicians not to know what their fellow band mates are receiving in wages. This generally works to the owners’ benefit.

And despite the fact that a club may often dictate proscribed house policies as to when the band should start and stop playing, what the musicians may or may not wear, and even, in some cases, what type of music the band is to play, the club owners themselves have never been liable for those obligations that most other employers assume at the outset—that they will pay each musician independently on a W-2, and help to ensure the musicians’ overall security by paying into unemployment, disability and workers’ comp.

Although the Employer-Employee relationship still remains murky (musicians are “Employees” in the eyes of NY State, but who the “Employer” is has never been legally set down), what is clear is that musicians have few if any real legal rights in the workplace, apart from those they insist upon through their own personal service agreements.

At this writing, there are arguably dozens of “retired” jazz performers here in New York who can barely make ends meet, living hand to mouth with little or no social security, and no other discernable safety net.

Truth be told, the union has not always been there for these performers. This represents an ongoing component of a larger problem. The musicians rely on handouts, or direct assistance from essential entities like the Local 802 Musicians’ Assistance Program or the Jazz Foundation of America. Because there has historically been a lack of advocacy, a culture of charity has sprung up. But there are far more cases than there are charitable dollars to ameliorate suffering.

Despite the fact that the New York City musicians’ local has always been integrated; despite the fact that over the years Local 802 has bucked societal trends by having integrated governing boards; and despite the fact that in recent decades 802 has reached out to jazz artists with the formation of a Jazz Advisory Committee – despite all this, the union is still learning how best to advocate for those who play vernacular music, and for people of color.

Jazz musicians have rarely, if ever, enjoyed union benefits while working in the clubs. Even when union contracts exist, no artist works at any one club with enough frequency to secure eligibility in either the union’s health benefits plan or the American Federation of Musicians’ pension fund from that employment alone.

Club owners have also found various ways to get around agreements, especially if they are conducting a cash business, which for years was the industry standard.

A fine big band trumpeter, Leo Ball, once related a story about how he had tried to come together with his band mates to organize a local venue, the now defunct Red Blazer.

“We got more than 50% of the musicians at the Red Blazer to agree to sign union cards,” remembered Ball, “and then we went to the owner to set up a negotiation.  He said he was all for it, but he was forbidden by the state to negotiate with the union since he was in Chapter 11.

“I asked him how long he’d been in Chapter 11,” said Ball with a sad smile.

‘Since I opened,’” was the blunt response.

In order for jazz musicians to have access to benefits, more of their work (from different revenue sources, and from a wider number of venues) needs to be organized. The union has successfully organized some resident jazz orchestras, several tours and bandleaders, as well as teaching employment. Adding benefits from the clubs would be another important step towards meaningful benefits for all who work in this underrepresented field.

When the AFM was at its peak membership in the 1950’s, vernacular music like jazz took a back seat to the concert field and Broadway, and the union’s neglect of the jazz field was often perceived by musicians as being anti-black.

The bassist and educator Dr. Larry Ridley recalls, “I’ve been in the union since 1960. As African-American musicians, we always had to fight to get the respect we deserved, even within our own union. Black musicians back then looked at the union as being insensitive to our needs – even as locals in every town, big and small, still demanded union dues on every gig we played.”

This climate of indifference began to change in the early 1980’s, as then 802 President John Glasel, who was a Broadway musician (and a jazz trumpet player), worked to repeal the daunting cabaret laws that hamstrung musicians by prohibiting small venues and restaurants from hiring more than three performers at a time, and by excluding percussion and horn players from many gigs.

In the early 1990’s, Jimmy Owens, the late Benny Powell, Bob Cranshaw and Jamil Nasser (also deceased) formed the Local 802 Jazz Advisory Committee to address the inequities that had plagued jazz performers who were unionized – and those who weren’t but who wanted to take advantage of collective bargaining agreements and benefits programs.

Jimmy Owens remembers it this way. “It was a case of benign neglect,” Owens said. “That’s a nice way of putting it. The union and the musicians didn’t really look to secure the kinds of protections that should have been made available to all musicians. And, what was worse, the pension fund was kept a closely guarded secret.”

As rock became dominant in the 1960s, and jazz clubs began to founder, some jazz artists were able to make a living by working in studio bands, recording jingles, or playing in pit orchestras. Others sought refuge in Europe, where state-funded venues and a healthy appreciation for American vernacular music had created a vibrant, and expanding, jazz scene. Many musicians felt that both the country and the union had turned away from them.

Major jazz venues folded, but others sprung up in their wake. Clubs like the Blue Note and Birdland filled voids left by The Cookery, the Village Gate and the Half Note.

By the early 2000s, in an attempt to bring some equity to the New York club scene, the Local 802 Jazz Advisory Committee, with the help and support of New York City Assemblyman Herman “Denny” Farrell Jr. as well as upstate legislators George Maziarz and Joseph Morrelle, succeeded in getting a bill passed in Albany that allowed for an abatement of the sales tax normally charged on admission to small venues.

Like the earlier Turkus Award (the forgiven 1963 Broadway ticket tax utilized for Broadway union benefits and still in effect today) the door tax dollars from the clubs were now free to be contributed to the AFM Pension Fund.

But nothing happened.

Since the law as written did not actually compel the owners to do anything, the club owners were not violating any laws by refusing to redirect the tax. Even after the union successfully addressed the statutory benefits piece of the puzzle, allowing for a scenario where contributions could be made even as business in the clubs went on as usual, most of the owners have yet to agree to sit down and discuss a resolution with the union.

Again, the jazz musicians found themselves on the outside looking in.

In the coming months, Local 802 hopes to move hearts and minds on this issue with two simple words – “Justice” and “Jazz.”

At this writing, the Justice for Jazz Artists! has gathered over 3,000 signatures of prominent jazz artists and their fans in support of the campaign, and has put together a growing coalition of high profile endorsers.

For some artists for whom these efforts may be too little, too late, there must be continued advocacy.

If they are unable to access basic benefits programs due to past inequities, then we all have an obligation to these senior members of our musical community; at the very least we should do what we can to promote their music and their legacy and ensure their comfort and security in their later years.

For those younger musicians who work night after night in local clubs with no benefits, Justice for Jazz Artists! will have a real and lasting impact.

Parts of this article originally appeared in the July 2009 issue of Allegro, Volume CIX No. 7/8 .  Allegro is the official the magazine of AFM, Local 802 in NYC.

 

 

 

 

 

 



[1] “Where Can We Work?” study completed in 2007 by NYC Performance Arts Spaces, page 38.

[2] Alex Ross, “Club Acts: New York’s vital new-music scene,” The New Yorker, (16 April 2007), 166-167.

[3] Margaret Davis Grimes, in an email communication with the author, September 20, 2011.

J4JA! WHO WE ARE

Monday, December 12th, 2011

J4JA! Musicians, led by Jimmy Owens, Rally Outside the Blue Note. Photo: Enid Farber.

Justice for Jazz Artists! (J4JA!) is a coalition of over 3,000 musicians, advocates, and fans who seek equity in the form of fair treatment of jazz (and other musicians) in the NYC nightclubs.

Since 2005, J4JA! has been seeking to engage with NYC nightclub owners (including the management of clubs such as Birdland, the Blue Note, Iridium, the Village Vanguard and the Jazz Standard) to negotiate for fair working conditions in the clubs,  especially in regard to the issue of retirement benefits.

Jazz artists have historically been among the most exploited and abused in the music business. They are often the lowest paid for their music and commonly receive none of the retirement benefits that musicians in other fields take for granted. Many find themselves facing old age with no pension and little in the way of social security payments after a lifetime of performing in the club scene.

This unfair and abusive dynamic must be changed.  For years, we have been trying to get the clubs to do the right thing and treat jazz musicians with dignity and respect.

WE DEMAND:  fair minimum scale wages; decent pension contributions;  protections against exploitation of musicians regarding recording (and the reuse of recorded music);  and a process for settling disputes with club owners.

Musicians and fans are encouraged to sign the J4JA! petition (click on link above) and to volunteer by sending an email to [email hidden; JavaScript is required]

Justice for Jazz Artists!

www.justiceforjazzartists.org

J4JA! Leafleters Start Out with a Bang

Friday, December 9th, 2011

Last night a small but determined group of musicians and their supporters hit the street in front of the Blue Note to hand out informational literature on J4JA! to audience members and passersby.

Central to their message were their four demands:

1.)               fair PAY,

Enid Farber photo, 2009.

2.)               a decent PENSION,

3.)               PROTECTIONS for the recording or reuse of the music, and a

4.)               PROCESS for settling disputes

At about 7:15PM, one J4JA! musician found himself standing face to face with Blue Note co-owner, Daniel Bensusan.

Bensusan was not happy.

According to one source, Bensusan demanded that the leafleters clear the sidewalk in front of the club, and threatened to call NYPD, which he eventually did.

Local 802 Organizing Director Leon Bell was there to attempt to enage Mr. Bensusan in rational discussion–and when police appeared, Bell was also there to consult with the officers on duty.

Police listend to Bensusan’s complaint, but then agreed to allow leafleters their consitutional free speech rights as long as they agreed not to block access to the club.

Leafleters were respectful and did not block access or attempt to convince any patrons not to enter the Blue Note.

Later, a reporter form the NY Times interviewed J4JA! musicians for a story planned for next week.

All in all, a very successful first night.

 

Taking it To The Street: Justice for Jazz Artists Redux

Thursday, December 8th, 2011

Musicians make a joyful noise at the union’s
big jazz rally on Sept 29, 2009. Photo: Ron Grunhut
 
by John O’Connor

The time for waiting is over. Meet us in front of the Blue Note to make some noise.

It’s time to turn up the heat. As of Dec. 8, Local 802 and its allies will begin keeping a presence at the Blue Note and other recalcitrant clubs, handing out leaflets and demanding that they enter into collective bargaining with the union over pension and other issues.

Why are we doing this?

We’ve all heard the story. A legendary jazz musician who did well when his or her career was in full swing has now fallen on hard times and is struggling to make the rent or pay the mortgage.

This kind of thing happens so often that a charitable organization known as the Jazz Foundation of America was created with the mission of helping musicians, many in their elder years, with financial help to keep the wolf away from the door.

Musicians who are members of Local 802 can find additional help through our Musicians’ Assistance Program and its Emergency Relief Fund. In fact, Local 802’s 90th anniversary gala is all about replenishing the fund so that emergency help is available to those in need.

What about pension? The AFM pension fund was established in 1959 to begin the task of giving musicians a secure retirement future. Over the years the fund grew stronger and covered more and more musicians, from the recording session field to Broadway to symphonic orchestras.

But along the way jazz musicians, those who changed the face of American music, were left out of the equation.

Why?

The work that jazz musicians did was chiefly in the nightclub scene in New York and other American cities.

The fact that none of the clubs were covered by a union contract with pension benefits belies the myth of the “union nightclub.” When it came to fairness under collective bargaining, there was never such an animal as a “union club.”

Jazz musicians joined the union and paid their dues, but derived nothing in the way of a pension, unlike their brothers and sisters at Lincoln Center, on Broadway and those working society, casual or wedding gigs.

The need for the Emergency Relief Fund and the Jazz Foundation of America would be greatly lessened if career jazz musicians collected a regular monthly pension check guaranteed upon retirement.

And that’s exactly what would happen if these musicians were covered by the AFM pension fund.

The few jazz musicians who have benefited from the pension fund are those who managed to gain regular work covered by a union contract, such as Broadway work or work on network television.

Changing the past

Our Justice for Jazz Artists! campaign began in the mid-1990’s, but we never really tackled the basic reality: the clubs themselves must become unionized.

For a variety of reasons, Local 802 and other AFM locals have failed to find an effective way to make this happen.

And so, as of today, jazz and other music nightclubs remain nonunion, even though many of these clubs can well afford to pay the benefits that would make the difference between poverty and a decent life in the latter years of countless musicians.

We aim to change that. We envision a world in which a musician can, while touring the jazz circuit, rack up enough pension benefit credit to be vested in the AFM pension fund and have a steady pension income when the time comes that it is needed.

A solution exists

In 2007, a law was passed that eliminated the tax on admissions to nightclubs of a certain size. The union worked with the major jazz clubs to lobby for that law.

The money that clubs and customers would save on this tax would allow them to pay pension to their musicians.

The enacted legislation provided the tax break to the nightclubs, but the musicians are still waiting for their pensions. Allegro readers are well-acquainted with this story.

By the time I took office in 2010, numerous attempts had already been made to bring the major jazz clubs into a conversation about all of this. Local 802 heard only one thing from those clubs: silence.

One of the first things I did as recording vice president of this local was to send another letter to the clubs reiterating our desire to open a dialogue. That letter was not answered by a single club. This fall we sent out another letter.

This time was different. One club owner responded to our overture and is engaged in discussions with Local 802. He has expressed an interest in providing pension benefits for musicians and our talks are continuing.

Other clubs, most notably the Blue Note, have failed to respond in any manner and refuse to acknowledge receipt of our letters or respond to our phone calls. Local 802 decided last month that it will wait no longer.

Our fight for justice begins now.

The union will be targeting the Blue Note and other jazz clubs until they agree to enter into negotiations. Of course, we are still hopeful other jazz clubs will come forward voluntarily to seek a workable solution to long-standing injustices.

Our goals in this campaign are:

  • Negotiate minimum pay scales that will apply to the major jazz clubs.

  • Obtain pension payments for all performers in the clubs.

  • Provide musicians with protection against the unauthorized recording and broadcasting of their performances.

  • Create a process for the discussion of musician concerns and resolution of grievances.

We have been cautioned by some that an aggressive leverage campaign against the clubs is not a good idea.

But if we don’t apply pressure, how will this goal – which the union has had for years – ever be achieved?

For more than 15 years we have been having this conversation with no results.

Of course, we would be more than happy to solve this with the cooperation of the clubs. But it’s up to them.

The cost of paying pension benefits to musicians in the clubs is much less than the tax break the clubs and their patrons have been eligible for since 2007. Those taking advantage of the tax break have been richer for it, while musicians still go without pension benefits.

Our campaign for collective bargaining in nightclubs does not end with New York. This is just a beginning. Our goal is to extend the basic framework to other clubs in the city and to expand the campaign to a wider level.

With new leadership at the top of the AFM, we have begun conversations with President Ray Hair and officers of other locals who are committed to organizing goals similar to Local 802.

Justice for Jazz Artists! is a national campaign, and it will be played out on a national map. We can start with high-profile venues in cities like Seattle, Portland, Nashville, Boston and Washington, D.C. Over time, we will spread the word: clubs can and will pay pension benefits to musicians.

Though there are no guarantees, we believe we can make this happen. The journey has begun. We call on all members and supporters of jazz music to join us in this just struggle. Join us outside the Blue Note and help make history.

For details on when and where to join us outside the Blue Note and other jazz clubs, send an email to [email hidden; JavaScript is required] or check this site for details.